Initial Lessons from the Liu campaign investigation and prosecution

The New York Times has – in addition to its coverage 1 – made available a copy of the complaint against Jenny Hou, the campaign treasurer for John Liu, currently the elected comptroller of the City of New York. This case – while fascinating on its own terms, reinforces some basic lessons about fraud, evidence and ethics:

There’s no law preventing candidates from exceeding ethical requirements. If Mr. Liu is competent to be comptroller, he should have and could have put internal safeguards in the fund-raising process. Since the campaign raised more than $2 million, they could have hired an outside law firm, auditor or investigative firm charged with policing internal money-handling processes. Of course, without the illegal straw donors, it’s possible the campaign wouldn’t have raised as much money – or would have had to spend more time and energy to raise the same amount. Political campaigns – or any organizations – serious about ethics – can keep things on the up-and-up if they are so inclined.  It’s not as though the tools to keep things clean have to be invented, or that there’s any shortage of people with that expertise.

If good investigators focus on a fraudulent scheme, they’re likely to find evidence. Typically, even a clever fraudulent scheme tends to leave a lot of evidence behind. As a society – alas, ours seeems to be one – loses its ethical consensus – more people commit fraud, and it’s a fair bet that a lot of fraud and unethical conduct goes undetected. But – over and over, we see fraudsters who are initially undetected, and who continue or expand their schemes over time. As they continue without apparent detection, the perceived risk of detection seems to drop. NB: this is my speculation, an educated guess based on cases I’ve worked on or observed.

Instant Messages last longer than they take to compose or send. In fact, a lot longer.

The FBI found the following IM (instant message):

Yet another example of the durability of electronic communications.

Labor-intensive fraud tends to require more participants, or generate more witnesses. In the Liu case, the defendant is accused of asking other people for help in filling out campaign finance forms for “straw donors,” including forging signatures. Each one of those people is a potential prosecution witness; the more these people understood what was going on and had guilty knowledge (like the IM recipient), the greater motive and  less explanation will be needed for the government to secure their cooperation and testimony. Anyone who’s been deceived into performing any of these tasks is likely to feel betrayed, angry and scared. And – in cases where people were deceived or coerced into assisting in fabricating documents – and the government views them in that way – potential witnesses may testify without cooperation agreements, free from incentives to falsely testify, and immune to cross-examination about government incentives.

Forgery: don’t try this at home. Forgery is not an easily acquired skill. Assuming facts similar to those alleged here, people without any experience assume they can imitate or trace signatures without detection. It’s only true if experts don’t look. Forgery – depending on the medium (modern documents, currency, antiques, fine art) – is not usually a level playing field: experts often have a lot of training, share expertise or learn from people with specific expertise (inks, paper-making, printing) and, when push comes to shove, have the ability to bring in specialist colleagues and modern scientific and laboratory equipment, from microscopes to carbon-dating.  We can only explain such cases by assuming that unskilled forgers suffer from hubris, or assume that no one cares about integrity or will ever investigate. Or perhaps they’re not very bright.

One of the earliest forgeries in American history is Benjamin Franklin’s forgery of a purported letter from Frederick II of Hesse Kassel (Germany) to King George III,

urging the British to make more aggressive use of German mercenaries in battling the American insurgents …. The prince reminded King George that in addition to the fee he was being paid for the use of his troops, he was also due a comforting bonus for each soldier killed. As of the moment, the prince complained, too few of his troops were being killed to make the venture as profitable as he had been led to expect. He also suggested that it might be more humane to allow the German wounded to die rather than keep them alive to live wretchedly as cripples.

The forgery added a wallop to the various open offers of amnesty and free farmland available to Hessian deserters. It was a well-targeted, inexpensive, self-contained covert action. Of the 30,000 German mercenaries employed by the British, more than 5000 are known to have deserted.2

The differences between fraudsters and Ben Franklin? In the first instance, he was engaged in what – in the United States, at any rate – is widely regarded as a just war. And at risk of hanging had the Revolution failed. Second, there’s no apparent financial motive. But – third and fourth,, back to our earlier points:

(1) he was one of the most successful printers in the country;

(2) the investigative r esources to detect and prove forgery might then have been outmatched by printing technology.

The lessons here are twofold:

I. if you’re involved with, or represent, any organization that cares at all about its reputation – police yourself.

II. In a contest between deception and truth – when there’s a communications record (paper, electronic evidence) – the smart money, assuming good investigators, is on the truth.

 
  1. Liu’s Campaign Treasurer Arrested on Fraud Charges by David Chen and Benjamin Weiser, dated February 28th, 2012 []
  2. Richard Helms, A Look Over My Shoulder: A Life in the Central Intelligence Agency, ISBN 0-8129-7108-6, 1st paperback edition,  2004, at 110. []

Rehberg v. Paulk – will the Court give government attorneys license to suborn perjury in grand jury testimony?

reports on today’s scheduled United States Supreme Court argument on the issue of whether

police investigators have total immunity from being sued for giving false testimony before a grand jury. The case has all the elements of a spooky saga, involving power, influence and money — all used to silence the critics of Phoebe Putney Memorial Hospital, the largest hospital in Albany, Ga.  The drama begins in 2003, when a general surgery practice of six doctors in Albany wanted to open an outpatient surgery center and found its plans strongly opposed by Phoebe Putney and its political allies.

Charles Rehberg, the business manager for the practice, decided to do a little investigating. Using his skills as a certified public accountant and certified forensic accountant, he got hold of the nonprofit hospital’s public IRS form. And he learned some startling things. In 2002, the CEO was earning close to three-quarters of a million dollars a year; the hospital had a bank account in the Cayman Islands; and hospital officers spent $33,000 that year visiting the Cayman Islands. Though a nonprofit, the hospital was charging uninsured patients more than those covered by private insurance, Medicaid and Medicare, and it was aggressively taking poor patients to court when they couldn’t pay the full amount.  Rehberg and one of the practice’s surgeons, Dr. John Bagnato, were so astonished that they started sending out anonymous faxes to business and community leaders with what they called “Phoebe Factoids.”

They sent the faxes anonymously, says Rehberg, because “Phoebe is such a powerful local institution. They’re the largest employer. They’re the wealthiest institution. They’re incredibly connected, politically and otherwise.”

The Phoebe Factoids caused quite a stir, and the hospital complained to District Attorney Ken Hodges, asking him to find out who was sending out the factoid faxes.

With the district attorney’s subpoena power, it didn’t take long to find out that Rehberg and Bagnato were the culprits. At the same time, the hospital also hired its own private investigators, men with whom Rehberg would soon come face to face.

“They pulled into the parking lot, kind of police-raid fashion, real fast,” Rehberg recalls, adding they blocked his car, shouted his name and surrounded him. “They proceeded to tll me that they had been investigating me and I was about to be the target of a large lawsuit.”

The hospital did indeed file a $66 million lawsuit against the faxers, and when Rehberg and Bagnato didn’t back off, they were indicted on charges of telephone harassment, aggravated assault and burglary.

“I was just stunned,” says Rehberg. “I hadn’t done anything wrong, yet I’d been indicted and I was actually facing up to 47 years in prison.”

Excerpted from Supreme Court To Weigh Case Of False Testimony by Nina Totenberg of National Public Radio.

Ms. Totenberg correctly identifies, we think, one difficulty facing the Court. Having already decided that prosecutors have blanket immunity for actions at trial, what responsibility do prosecutors and investigators have during grand jury proceedings? If malicious conduct by prosecutors – e.g. the subornation of perjury – carries no exposure during a trial,  would making prosecutors liable for the same conduct in a grand jury proceeding be consistent? Perhaps even more troublesome would be a rule in which government investigators, testifying on instructions from prosecutors, are exposed to civil liability while a prosecutor who induced the false testimony remains immune.

The Supreme Court has ruled that prosecutors are totally immune from damage suits for their trial-related actions, no matter how illegal those actions might have been. The theory is that if prosecutors could be sued, they would be too timid in bringing charges. But investigative actions are not similarly protected, whether it is police or prosecutors doing the investigating. Thus, for instance, the court ruled 25 years ago that if police or prosecutors file false affidavits to obtain an arrest warrant, they can be sued for damages because such affidavits are part of the investigative process, not part of any trial.

Excerpted from Supreme Court To Weigh Case Of False Testimony by Nina Totenberg of National Public Radio.

 Timothy Coates, writing on the SCOTUS blog, offers a much more competent and thorough analysis of the issues in “Of Secrecy And Sandwiches.” Mr. Coates’ work will probably have us reading SCOTUS blog more often, not just for the underlying content, but also for the post title. Here at Discovery Strategist we crib from the work of better legal correspondents, viz. Mr. Coates and Ms. Totenberg, but are much impressed by the title alone of the SCOTUS post. We believe that the first recorded use of this metaphor was by the late Burton Roberts, once the District Attorney of Bronx County, New York, and later Presiding Justice of the Criminal Term, Supreme Court, Bronx County.

Persons unfamiliar with the peculiarities of the New York court system should be advised that “Supreme” in New York does not refer to the highest court, but actually to the trial-level courts, both civil and criminal, of general jurisdiction. Which is to say that the “Supreme” court is the lowest court – except for the other lower courts, which hear criminal cases not involving felonies, and civil cases under certain dollar amounts. Since one of the municipal pastimes since the sale of Manhattan for beads is confuse visitors and newcomers, to play tricks upon them, separate them from their beads and coin, it’s not beyond imagination that the nomenclature of the New York court system is meant in the same sporting way. We are, after all, the city in which the Brooklyn Bridge, sold so many, many times to earnest visitors, the city in which “racketeering” was invented, raised to high art and named; in which Ponzi first schemed. And from Ponzi to Bernard Madoff, how many intervening confidence men and schemers?

Which brings us back to perjury. There is something to be said for rules which ask prosecutors and investigators to measure twice, perhaps three times, before cutting. Arrest and prosecution – as in the case before the Court today – for a violent crime – assault – where the actual conduct appears to have been anonymous and truthful whistle-blowing – should such a prosecution be risk-free for the government officials who bring it about?

 

 

BBC News Murder police 'manufactured case'

Eight police officers in Cardiff, Wales, have been accused of fabricating a case and suborning perjury in order to close a well-known cold murder case (homicide in 1988, arrests in 1998).

Eight ex-police officers manufactured a case against three innocent men following the murder of prostitute Lynette White, a jury has been told.The 20-year-old was killed in 1988 in the flat in Cardiff where she worked.The prosecution said men who became known as the Cardiff Three were jailed for a crime they did not commit.At Swansea Crown Court the former officers deny conspiracy to pervert the course of justice, and two other people deny perjury. The trial continues.

via BBC News – Lynette White: Murder police ‘manufactured case’.